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Similarly, the agency mandated to oversee the Integration of USIA functions into the State Department in defined public diplomacy as mechanisms through which states use in understanding, informing and influencing domestic and foreign audiences. Additionally, Tuch relates public diplomacy to propaganda and the use of IT and the internet to set agenda and shape the opinions of the public.
He further notes that terror groups are setting the agenda through the media; social media, and such messages should be countered immediately. She further notes that a streamlined and contemporary public diplomacy would be the ideal tool to fight terrorism. She goes ahead to assert that having direct engagement with the public is critical in this fight against terrorism. Tuch, James Forest singles out Al-Qaeda as the group with the highest social media outreach that it uses to indoctrinate and radicalize youth.
He says that this must be countered using well planned public diplomacy. In addition, Friz Machlup, categorizes public diplomacy into education, research, developmental initiatives and financial assistance. He further asserts that efforts to eliminate these challenges would be a sensible preventive measure. Similarly, the use of public diplomacy to counter terrorism has not been adequately addressed by the academia particularly on its use and its impact in the Horn of Africa region.
Therefore, this research aims at linking the reduction or exacerbation of terror attacks to mechanisms and strategies formulated 82 Forest, J. In fact, policies are increasingly being made based on unverifiable data, such as media reports which are prone to manipulation. This may slow down the process of eradicating terrorism once and for all. This research intends to collect and collate verifiable data to be able to come up with accurate conclusions and actionable recommendations. I intend to conduct my research on both Kenya and Ethiopia as they have well-organized public diplomacy strategies in place.
This will be done by introducing new empirical data and highlighting the best public diplomacy strategies used to counter the terrorism threat, based on case studies of Kenya and Ethiopia. This research also intends to bring in new knowledge that will aid the academia in theory building and validation of the existing theories and ensure new hybrid theories are formulated. This will aid policy makers make better policies that will effectively counter the terrorist threat.
Accordingly, deprivation of fundamental rights and freedoms, socio-economic and political inequality enable terrorism to flourish. In fact, liberalists such as Aristotle, argue that there is correlation between human frustration and their violent tendencies. These institutions are the glue that holds the society together, they ensure order is maintained, adjudicate where differences emerge and amicably resolve issues. Therefore, if the institutions are unable to dispense their functions, anarchy blossoms leading to violence in form of terror attacks.
Therefore, failed states are a major breeding ground for terrorist organizations, the likes of Al Shabaab in Somalia, and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. They provide an environment in which international terrorist organizations thrive as they lack law and order. Besides, public diplomacy thrives best where free speech and free press are stomached. These institutions also ensure economic order within a state hence minimizing chances of economic exploitation of the poor by the elite class.
This in turn encourages equal economic prosperity, reducing the chances of radicalization. Secondly, liberals fail to agree on the type of institutions appropriate to deliver liberal standards in a multiethnic setting. For terrorism to be effectively countered, liberal tools that directly impact on the lives of people and improve their status must be adopted to ensure that frustration does not lead individuals to a terrorism mindset.
In pursuit of quantitative data, it relied on Semi structured questionnaires. While, in pursuit of qualitative data, the researcher made field visits and observations, guided by a checklist. Key informant interviews and focus group discussions were guided by an interview and discussion guides respectively. The criteria used was that they had to have lived in Ethiopia when they were 17 years of age or older, this ensured that the respondents had an understanding of the subject matter in question.
Respondents also comprised of experts in the field of counterterrorism. Semi structured questionnaires were issued to willing registered, and easily accessible urban refugee adults, dividing them into focus groups for discussions. The sample population was drawn randomly while ensuring gender equality. Every registered adult urban refugee, who was willing to participate received a letter giving information about the research and a consent form in addition to the questionnaire.
Secondly, the respondents had the right decide independently without coercion whether to respond or ignore any question they were uncomfortable with in the questionnaire. Lastly, each respondent was presented with a consent form that they signed prior to the completion of the questionnaire. While Qualitative data was analyzed by constructing the various interviews questions into topics and coding them. Then, grouping the responses with recurring themes together. Lays the framework upon which the research will be conducted, identifies literature gaps and shows the methodology that will be used in the research.
Algeria’s Role in African Security
Investigates the counterterrorism strategies and mechanisms in place, and their impact in Kenya and Ethiopia. Analyzes the role and impact of diplomatic approaches in counterterrorism. Critically assesses public diplomacy strategies in countering terrorism in the Horn of Africa. Presents and analyzes quantitative data collected, and collated during the course of the research. It also justifies why the study had to be done. This was essential in understanding the role both regional and international organizations have played in setting counterterrorism strategies and mechanisms, and their influence in the domestic strategies of Kenya and Ethiopia.
In addition, I examined the CT strategy culminating in International and regional instruments and regimes emanating from the International and regional organizations. This is essential in evaluating their impact in the designing various strategies and mechanisms of counterterrorism in both Kenya and Ethiopia. Accordingly, I begun by examining the role of international law in counterterrorism, then, the part of the UN and related organizations in influencing the global counterterrorism agenda, followed by the enablers of extremism in Africa, and the role of the AU in scheming the African counterterrorism agenda and lastly examined the individual strategies and mechanisms of both Kenya and Ethiopia that have culminated from the International and regional efforts, and their impact in countering the terrorist threat, finally I employed the liberal theoretical approach in analyzing and justifying the strategies and mechanisms in place in the Horn of Africa sub-region.
International Law and Counterterrorism In the 21st century terrorism no longer contains itself within national borders, largely due to the rampant globalization and the advancement in Information Technology. The significance of these attacks was the death toll almost equaled the casualties of terrorism in preceding two decades99, and that they were committed by non US citizens.
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Terrorism has global implications that can only be mitigated through global regulation, which international law offers. Strategies and mechanism of counterterrorism ought to be based upon aspects of human rights, democratic rule and social equity. This was alluded to in the Security Council resolution of that obliges states to take counterterrorism measures within the framework of international law specifically placing emphasis upon human rights, refugee and humanitarian laws.
In fact, since its inception, suspects have been detained as of March , in addition to 9 deaths in detention. This is often as a result of erroneously linking acts of terrorism to refugees and people who profess allegiance to certain faiths, contrary to Art. Art 7. C: Human Rights first, March C: ODNI. Its membership currently stands at states. Indeed, the UN is a platform where states convene to deliberate solutions to any emerging threat to global peace and seek solutions to fighting it. The UN has the ability to sanction rogue belligerent states that harbor terrorists or aids them in any way.
Algeria’s Role in African Security
Through the Security Council it can impose economic sanctions or even authorize using force to ensure that global peace and security is maintained. UN specialized agencies have a role to play in countering terrorism. They deal with various specific mandates that are all aimed at the general human security. These functions in turn eradicate the perceived root enablers of terrorism by reducing the vulnerabilities that may lead people to choose a violent path of terrorism. In addition their far reaching networks makes the UN more reliable to deal with a threat that has a global impact such as terrorism.
The United Nations General Assembly UNGA is the cream in the hierarchy of all the principal organs of the United Nations, perhaps owing to its worldwide membership, making it the key platform for members to deliberate international issues. Likewise, it harmonizes efforts of other UN agencies such as the task force in charge of implementing the counterterrorism strategy, regional and national organizations to ensure that the strategies of counterterrorism are ethical in that they contain aspects of socio-cultural equality and are non-discriminatory in nature.
Fulfilling the requirement of Article 13 b of the Charter.
In fact, during the 71st General Assembly meeting, 3 resolution on alternative development agendas, learning and preventing crime, tabled by the 3rd committee were approved. For instance, it negotiates and deliberates proposals such as actions to be taken to suppress international terrorism. Decisions culminating are arrived at through a vote or informal consensus. It is a comprehensive counterterrorism strategy that is tasked with dealing with; the principal circumstances that favor the spread of terrorism, preventive counterterrorism, enhancing the capacity of states to counter extremism, while underpinning an obligation by states to upholding civil liberties and the law, are the Ibid.
It aims at eliminating factors that make states vulnerable to exploitation by terror cells, such as; poverty, socio-economic inequality, weak institutional frameworks, subjugation of civil liberties and lack autocracy and upholding the law, seen by scholars of countering violent extremism as triggers of terrorism. In addition, the report explicates a link between corruption and inequality in distribution of both power and wealth, by highlighting the fact that the lower ranked states have a weak institutional framework and low transparency.
Secondly, states in the region lack sufficient resources to effectively implement their counterterrorism measures. This was the case in when Ethiopia recalled its man army from Somalia citing lack of resources to sustain a containment counterterrorism. The most significant being the Ogaden war of Forest, James J. DIIS Brief. To further complicate matters, there is uncontrolled movement of people across borders. In fact, the terror attacks on Kenya exposed its porous borders and a weakness in border security, particularly the attack on Garrissa University that claimed approximately lives.
In view of the foregoing, the Horn of Africa sub region is vulnerable to indoctrination and terror attacks. An effective UNGC-T strategy ought not only provide mechanisms to respond to terror attacks, but provide early warning tools and prevent indoctrination of the locals. However, non-members are allowed to participate in discussions where the issues in contention affect their interests, whereas resolutions passed by the Security Council are binding.
Article 24 1. Article It further, imposed an obligation to members to outlaw incitement and financing of terrorism and further mete out justice to perpetrators and abettors of terrorist acts. Paragraph 10 Ibid. It required states outlaw the making, possession and transport of WMDs and mete justice to those who aid and abet the terrorists or potential terrorists. Paragraph 7.
Paragraph 4. Charter of the United Nations. Expert Seminar Report, Geneva, 7th November New York: Department of Political Affairs. As a result some states have even created their own counterterrorism units. For instance, Germany, Israel et al all have specialized counterterrorism units. In addition, it has been ascertained that the UN, through counterterrorism reporting by member states and regional organizations. For instance, pursuant to UNSC resolutions and , members are mandated to report to the CTC on matters regarding the implementation of the resolutions.
In fact, by all member states had filed initial reports on counterterrorism with the CTC. This is indeed, an obstacle to the UN in its quest to implement its resolutions. In addition, courts within the jurisdiction of the implementing state can review measures adopted to be implemented that give effect to UN Resolutions. For instance, a state like Ethiopia may have had the pre-requisite conditions in place that support occurrence of a terror attack, yet it did not materialize, while a country like the US might not, yet it happens. Besides, no two states have identical circumstances when it comes to measuring the successes or failures of a counterterrorism strategy.
In fact, Kenya and Ethiopia have diverse socio-politico- cultural dynamics. Still, examining specific states prone to terrorism, where the UN played a major role in capacity building and support may perhaps give a better insight of the UNGC-T strategy. Specific analysis of Counterterrorism efforts in both Kenya and Ethiopia, then identifying similarities in strategy and execution may provide an insight on what elements of UNGC-T strategy are successful and the reason behind its success. Perceived causes of terrorism in Africa In analyzing the counterterrorism strategies and mechanisms in Africa, it is appropriate to look at the perceived causes of terrorism in the continent, seeing that the region obviously has unique challenges, therefore unique causes of terrorism.
The challenges range from socio-economic deprivations, weak political and institutional frameworks, religious and cultural marginalization and most notably under development. These create a fertile radicalization ground for terrorists. Nevertheless, a number of violent conflicts have been instigated by religious and ethnic exclusion, sometimes manifest as terror attacks. For instance, the rise of Boko Haram in West Africa has been attributed to marginalization of Muslims in political, and socio-economic participation, which have led to violent extremism, and the continuance, of the Fearon.
J, Laitin. Vol 3, No. For instance, in , the doctor to patience ratio in the region was , as compared to Central Kenya region which had , This has further been echoed by scholars of countering violent extremism, who assert that poverty and socio-economic deprivations often lead to human frustrations that more often than not lead to violence responses which in turn create conditions favoring the spread and emergence of terrorism.
Accordingly, prioritizing socio-economic development is an ideal counterterrorism strategy. In their arguments they contend that most terrorists are Casimir. A et al. XXIX, No. They point to figures such as Bin Laden who came from a wealthy Saudi family. Hence, they maintain that terrorism should be strictly considered a security threat that has no links to deprivations whatsoever. In conclusion, while associating socio-economic deprivations and poverty, it is worthy to note different states have unique circumstances and thus, sweeping generalizations may not be accurate when trying to explore a connection.
This is because the weak institutions, are incapable of resolving a conflict when it emerges, meting out justice to perpetrators, accommodating political participation and corruption which is synonymous with unequal distribution of resources. In fact, the African Union plan of action acknowledged the important role that institutions such as the legislature, the judiciary, security, and financial have to play in countering terrorism in Africa.
American Economic Association, Terrorism in Africa goes all the way back from the struggle against colonialism, where activities by some of the liberation combatants were perceived as terrorist acts. Indeed, it sought to define the term terrorism as an act or conspiracy to create fear or coerce an action through terror against the government, the people or any government installations. Article 1 3. Article 3 1. Articles Article 4. In , the AU adopted the African Model counterterrorism law, which is template model law aimed at ensuring member states synchronize their counterterrorism law, ensuring uniform strategies are adopted for effective counterterrorism throughout Africa.
Secondly, member states are under obligation to reassess their domestic laws, review them and establish relevant offenses of acts of terrorism and recommend appropriate penalties in line with international counterterrorism instruments. Article 5 1 Ibid. In addition, states can establish jurisdiction on a stateless person so long as they are domiciled in that state. Lastly, once members have ratified the Convention, states have an obligation to notify the SG of the AU regarding the jurisdiction under its domestic regulations, also when it changes.
On condition that it is within the parameters of the Convention and the various bi-lateral treaties between the states. Article 6 2 Ibid. Article 6 3 Ibid. Article 9 Ibid. Article 8 1 Ibid. Article 8 3 Ibid. However, mechanisms and strategies devised by the African Union have faced several challenges that have barred them from being efficient in the fight against terrorism; First and foremost, the African Union lacks the ability to intervene and coerce member states to fully implement mandates postulated in its conventions and resolutions.
For instance, the Algiers Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism of , and the resulting protocol of , both came into force a decade after their inception. Not only that, by the start of , only 15 members had ratified the Algiers convention, including Kenya, Nigeria and Somalia some of the member states hardly hit by the threat of terrorism.
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Preamble, Par 9. Article 22 Allison. Secondly, the AU lacks sufficient support in the areas of human resource, expertise and funding to effectively implement its counterterrorism policy. Governed by predictable and sustainable financing, the commitments by member states have not always been honored. In addition, the African Union is unable to finance its own peace and security initiatives including counterterrorism measures. This leads to the conclusion that these challenges pose a great risk at the effective implementation of the counterterrorism measures formulated by the African Union.
This ultimately renders them ineffective in countering the terrorist threat in the region. Kenya Historical background of terrorism Since the 70s, Kenya has experienced terror attacks that have resulted in death, injury and destruction of property. The earliest terror attacks can be traced back from the bombing at the OTC bus station in that left 27 people dead.
This brought to the world the reality of international terrorism and the need to devise strategies of counterterrorism for even small states like Kenya. This incident, forced the hand of Kenyan bureaucrats to start designing, albeit slowly, a counterterrorism strategy. In , an al Shabaab affiliate, attacked the West Gate shopping mall and killed 67 people of diverse nationalities. This particular attack was attributed as a retaliatory attack in response to the Operation Linda Nchi, a Kenya Defense Forces incursion into Somalia aimed at securing the Kenyan border. This attack was also deemed a retaliatory attack attributed to the role of Kenyan troops in Somalia.
It is clear that Mogire.
The issues deemed to be the enablers of terrorism in Kenya are, but not limited to; long stretches of unmanned borders and lax border controls, an uncontrolled influx of refugees, youth radicalization, weak institutional frameworks and corruption, marginalization of some parts, and proximity to belligerent neighbor states. In essence, any effective counterterrorism strategies and mechanisms adopted by Kenya ought to address this underlying enablers of terrorism. Strategies and Mechanisms Accordingly, Kenya has formulated counterterrorism strategies and mechanism in an effort to counter the terror threat.
It also created the National Counter Terrorism Center which is mandated to harmonize counterterrorism efforts, aimed at identifying, dissuading, and neutralizing terrorist threats within Kenya. Section 40A. Section 40A 2 Ibid. Section 40B. Section 2. The High Court in , threw out 4 clauses, Section 16 that dealt with disclosure of evidence, section 26 that concerned silence of an accused, section 48 that limited the number of refugees to be hosted in Kenya to ,, and finally section 12 that concerned media freedom.
Section 3. Ethiopia Historical background of terrorism Ethiopia, a landlocked country is one of the most populated state in Africa boasting a population of around 99 million, only second to Nigeria in Africa, and the largest in the HoA region. California: Naval Postgraduate School, It is encircled by belligerent and politically unstable states with weak institutional frameworks, marred by civil conflicts, the likes of South Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea, who have at one time or another sheltered or supported a terror group that carried out attacks in Ethiopia, or even directly engaged Ethiopia in war, posing cross border insecurity.
For instance, Somalia invaded it in , intending to annex the Ogaden region which it claimed to be part of the larger territory. Indeed, Somalia poses a significant threat to Ethiopian national security, by regularly backing militia they believed to be anti-Ethiopian, such as the ONLF who in attacked the Zhongyuan Petroleum Exploration Bureau in Ethiopia, killing around 70 employees, of Ethiopian and Chinese descent.
Consequently, the Security Council in adopted a resolution imposing sanctions against Eritrea for its role in arming militia in Somalia. This was in line with the requirement of the UNGC-T strategy that required states to criminalize acts of terror through law. The proclamation acknowledges that terrorism is not only threaten national security but also human security. August, Anti-terrorism Proclamation No. Accordingly, Ethiopia has been marred by illegal cross-border smuggling of goods, people and ivory, which has led to loss of revenue and development opportunity.
It created the Financial Intelligence Center a government organ that is responsible for outward reporting, and implementing the requirements of the Financial Action Task force. Additionally, banks are required to report any suspicious cash transactions for investigation. Similarly, the Ethiopian Task Force for Counter Terrorism, a national committee, co- ordinates counterterrorism initiatives. The NISS is tasked with gathering counterterrorism intelligence, maintaining border security and conducting criminal investigations on terrorism related cases.
Indeed, domesticating the global counterterrorism initiatives in place, is vital to the formulation and implementation of effective counterterrorism strategies and mechanisms. Thus, Kielsgard suggests, 3 counterterrorism strategies to encompass the 5Ds.
It encompasses military and humanitarian interventions. Secondly, the law enforcement strategy that involves nonmilitary security apparatus such as the police, who treat an act of terrorism as a crime. They seek to deny terrorists a means to carry out an attack, through intelligence gathering, investigating and apprehending terrorism suspects. Lastly, the human rights strategy which is largely preventive Bensahel.
Similarly it seeks to regulate the other two strategies by incorporating human rights approaches into them. For instance, in , al Shabaab operatives conducted one of the largest terror attack at Garrissa University that led to civilian casualties. Hence, it is evident that a military strategy in counterterrorism is not effective in curbing the threat posed by al Shabaab, as it is attributed to reprisal attacks in response to the Kenyan military presence in Somalia. This was witnessed during the response to the Westgate mall attack by al Shabaab militants in , where an inter-agency rivalry between the army and law enforcement resulted in a member of the law enforcement officers being gunned down in a friendly fire.
M, A legal anti-terrorism regime was finally adopted by the Kenyan legislature in the form of the Prevention of Terrorist act of However, the Act was not collectively accepted and was subject to opposition by human rights groups and civil society on the ground that it was unconstitutional, then consequently challenged it at the High Court. As a result, 4 clauses were deemed unconstitutional and were invalidated.
In addition, the anti-terrorism legal regime lacks a witness protection mechanisms that encourages witnesses to come forward to report suspected terrorist activity. This in turn discourages witnesses from testifying against suspected terrorists as they fear for their lives. Prevention of Terrorism Act, Op Cit. Ethiopia Ethiopia has been touted as the front runner in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency in the Horn of Africa. In , Ethiopia launched a military incursion into Somalia, touted as a self-defense strategy against the rapidly advancing Islamic Courts Union based in Somalia, in an attempt to bolster its own national security and protect its borders against the external threat that was imminent.
For instance, in a terrorist bomb went off in Bole district of Addis Ababa, leading to 2 deaths.
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In fact, it is believed that the bomb was meant to be detonated at the Addis Ababa stadium where the Ethiopian football team was due to play Nigeria. Alluding that it contained fundamental clauses that were repugnant to justice and in contravention of basic human rights and international law. A Proclamation on Anti-terrorism. These are in the form of international law and other legal instruments which regulate behavior of the multiplicity of actors in international relations.
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The use of force is forbidden under Article 2 4 of the UN, bar in instances of self-defense and collective security action sanctioned by the Security Council. However, these rules and regulations merely infer obligations to actors in IR and are not essentially enforceable. Consequently, it is evident that rules and regulations not only fail to deter actors in IR but also are unenforceable.
In addition, liberalism presumes that diplomatic engagements and strategies are best suited to effectively tackle common security conundrums such as terrorism as opposed to military force. For instance, the Irish Republican Army IRA finally declared a ceasefire in as a result of diplomatic negotiations moderated by Britain. Hence, a Op Cit.
Charter of the UN, Article 2 4 Pp. C: Brookings Institute Press. GTI, Public diplomacy would for that matter be a more effective counterterrorism strategy. Furthermore, liberalism advances the notion that, terrorism is an international blunder resulting in lack of viable institutional frameworks.
Accordingly, actors in IR seek grander rational outcomes that serve their long-term interest, perhaps the reason some fail to ratify anti- terrorism conventions that do not serve their interests. Lastly, liberalism posits that within the state lies a multiplicity of actors with varying interests, each of whom seeking to influence state actions in the international system.
Hence, states guarantee a level playing ground for each of them to ensure societal cohesion. However, when the state adopts policies that potentially marginalize a single actor, then they are bound to dissent, sometimes violently manifest as terrorism. For instance, a study conducted by Botha reveals that the extrajudicial killing of terrorism recruiters adopted by security agents along the Coastal region of Kenya, as a cause of youth joining al Shabaab.
Despite the fact that the strategies and mechanisms of counterterrorism in place in Kenya and Ethiopia are not effective, policy makers are capable of making policies that promote societal cohesiveness, one of the best indicators of resilience to terrorism, essentially in the realm of public diplomacy. To sum up, cooperation and coordination reduce conflict.
Signifying that the counterterrorism strategies and mechanisms in place are not only ineffective, but require fortifying using more diplomatic strategies, in fact, public diplomacy would be better suited. To that end, it was established that the domestic legal regime in both Ethiopia and Kenya, first and foremost, lacks mechanisms to protect witnesses who come forward to report terrorist threats.
Similarly inter agency coordination is not well organized thus needs to be reviewed to avoid the calamity of friendly fire as was witnessed during the Westgate siege. In the regional and international scene, more robust mechanisms ought to be put in place to ensure state compliance to the counterterrorism obligations imposed upon them as well as the need to place strict punitive measures to states that fail to comply. It is prudent that new, modern and innovative public diplomacy strategies are adopted to fortify the current mechanisms and strategies in place, for them to be efficient in countering the threat posed by terrorism.
Hence, confirming the hypothesis that the mechanisms and strategies of counterterrorism in place are not efficient to offset the threat of terror. As a result, diplomacy uses the dexterity of persuasion and compromise in equal measures to succeed. Indeed, diplomatic approaches could be useful strategies for resolving conflicts both domestic and those that transcend borders, symbolized by wanton violence such as international terrorism, when tactfully negotiated. A well conducted negotiations, ensures that the parties to the conflict, improve and cement their relationship with each Op Cit.
H, H, Jooireman. B, et al. This is because communication verbal and non-verbal is a resource to negotiations and if tactful, and efficiency is the result. Moreover, diplomacy is a multi-stakeholder endeavor that emphasizes upon multilateral and bilateral relations between nations and NSAs in international relations. This is by way of international and regional agreements such as treaties and conventions of counterterrorism, where parties cooperate in areas of mutual interests such as security. Hence co-operation in global counterterrorism measures efficiently tackles issues of common concern like security, whereby terrorism threatens global peace and security and the basic survival of states.
In order to formulate efficient diplomatic strategies for the long term, it is prudent to examine the motive behind terrorist groups as terrorism is in itself a form of non-verbal signaling aimed at intimidating, manipulating and provoking a greater audience. The General Elections in Kenya: These strategies should accommodate actors, both state and non-state to be fully efficient.
They include: State, Non-state and Quasi actors. Each pursuing its own personal interests in the global arena, all geared at the basic survival and prosperity of the state and its citizens. It is for that reason that states are at the primacy of counterterrorism policy based on cooperation, coordination in counterterrorism activities, and negotiations with other states in the Andrew. Pp 59 Mwagiru. Furthermore, owing to rapid globalization, non-state actors have emerged as actors in international relations challenging the traditional primacy of states.
Whereas they are private entities, they have a prominent role in the diplomatic process. A good example is the clout exhibited by religious organizations the likes of the Roman Catholic Church and Islam in modern diplomatic relations, even establishing diplomatic relations as is the case with the Vatican. Accordingly, the role of non-state actors has increasingly become of paramount prominence in counterterrorism, this is because terrorism is in fact being regarded by scholars in the area of countering violent extremism, as a social issue rather than just a security conundrum, hence the need to shift counterterrorism approaches from state centric to include non-state actors, whose expertise and already established networks, would be essential in implementing public diplomacy based policies.
In fact, counterterrorism initiatives increasingly being addressed using holistic approaches, such as public diplomacy, to mitigate the complex issues emerging from purely social aspects that enable the emergence and spread of terrorism such as deprivations, inequality and marginalization and desecration of civil liberties. Indeed, addressing aspects such as community resilience and aspects such as terrorist propaganda that are Op Cit.
Finally, Makumi Mwagiru, describes quasi actors as private entities who lack transnational legal standing, although not bound by international law, derive clout from their wide reach and their vast resource base that could even surpass those of states. Case Studies 3.
This is in line with Section 4 2 of the Treaty making and Ratification Act of which permits the president to delegate initiation, negotiation and ratifying powers to any relevant department of the state. Indeed, the head of state appoints ambassadors who represent him in other states, collect information about threats and opportunities for counterterrorism cooperation in their host states, and directly report to him.
This is in line with Article 2 d of the Constitution of Kenya. Chapter 3. The Constitution of Kenya. Article 2 e Pp. Notably, foreign policy of a state springs from its own domestic policy, hence, domestic policy and foreign policy are discerned by territory only.
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